In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, China’s political situation was turbulent. First, the monarchists and the revolutionaries were in opposition. After the 1911 Revolution, there was a republican and warlord melee. Overseas Chinese leaders became the target of various political forces seeking support.
However, among the early overseas Chinese businesspeople, particularly those from Fujian province, many had taken root in foreign lands after generations of working abroad. They had grown accustomed to the governance of their host countries and became indifferent to political affairs in mainland China. This phenomenon was influenced by Fujian’s geographical location. Historically, Fujian was a remote region where the central government had weak influence, resulting the impression that “the emperor is far away and the sky is high”, and so local gentry functioned as de facto rulers. Fujian’s overseas Chinese were more concerned with hometown affairs than national politics. The prominent and wealthier ones would take lead in making donations to help build temples or aid reliefs to victims of natural disasters.
In *A Century-long History of Chinese in Burma* [1], Feng Lidong noted that “the love that overseas Chinese showed for their motherland was not the result of any political choice but was simply loyalty to the central authority of the government at that time… The development of social life among overseas Chinese has always been characterized by adapting to the local rhythm of life and living and working in peace and contentment, with very few discussions or extravagant talks about the politics of their motherland.” Even during intense political disagreement, the old and new factions did not completely oppose and rarely clashed violently.
The Burma Tongmenghui
Responding to the Reform Movement in late Qing era, the Chinese community in Burma set up a Chinese Public School in 1903. The school received support from both conservative and progressive factions of Chinese merchants in Rangoon. Classes began in 1904 with around sixty pupils, later growing to 120, with English lessons introduced. A separate Yishang Night School was later set up to focus efforts on supporting the anti-Qing revolution.
In March 1908, the constitution of the Tongmenghui was introduced from Tokyo to Burma. Xu Zanzhou took the lead in starting the establishment of the “Burmese Tongmenghui Branch”, which was officially founded a few months later with its headquarters at Yishang Night School. Initially, there were only thirty-seven members. However, as more domestic revolutionaries fled to Burma, they organized the official newspaper *Guanghua Daily News*. One month after its publication, Tongmenghui membership grew to over four hundred. Following a speech by Wang Jingwei, a devotee of Sun Yat-sen, in Rangoon, membership doubled to more than eight hundred.
In the following years, the fierce struggles between revolutionaries and the monarchists in the mainland brought up greater disagreements between the local conservative and progressive factions in Rangoon. The increasing instability in the Chinese community also raised the attention of the colonial government. *Guanghua Daily News* was renamed twice before ceasing publication due to financial difficulties and pressure from the British colonial government. Our grandfather, Yeo Cheow Kaw, along with Zhang Yongfu and others, took over the newspaper equipment under the name of the Chinese Educational Syndicate and founded the *Burma Gazette*, keeping the important commercial information like shipping schedules, yet also leaving printing spaces for the revolutionaries to publish anti-imperialist articles. The *Burma Gazette* was later reorganized into the *Juemin Daily* which eventually became the official newspaper of the Burmese branch of the Kuomintang during the Republic of China.
In 1911, the Burmese Tongmenghui branch was renamed, with Xu Zanzhou as its chairman. After the success of the Wuchang Uprising, Chen Xinzheng in Penang wired Zhuang Yin’an, urging the Rangoon Chinese to raise funds for Sun Yat-sen’s military government to fight the warlords. Chen specifically named Yeo Cheow Kaw and Zeng Guangbi to ask for donations. In response, Zeng Guangbi and Yeo Cheow Kaw initiated a national fundraising campaign, collecting 280,000 Burmese kyat in ten months. For his leadership in this effort, Zeng Guangbi was awarded a plaque and medal by Sun Yat-sen. Feng Lidong [1] also noted an earlier donation campaign led by Xu Zanzhou on behalf of the revolutionaries. Yeo Cheow Kaw proved himself instrumental in soliciting donations from the more conservative Chinese community. In November, the Burmese Tongmenghui branch elected Zhuang Yin’an as its chairman.
In 1912, when Sun Yat-sen took office as the provisional president of the new Republic, Xu Zanzhou was invited to Nanjing to receive a certificate of award. He reported that the total membership of the Burmese Tongmenghui had reached 2,343. The *History of the Burmese Overseas Chinese’s Involvement in the Chinese Revolution* [2] recorded a partial list of members, which did not include Yeo Cheow Kaw.
This history shows that our grandfather was markedly involved in Burmese Chinese social political activities before and after the Xinhai Revolution. Although he was not explicitly listed as a Tongmenghui member [3], he played a significant role in the struggle between the revolutionaries and the monarchists. Historical records clearly list Xu Zanzhou and Zhuang Yin’an as successive leaders of the Burmese Tongmenghui, ensuring their names have been well-documented. However, after the founding of the Republic of China, Yeo Cheow Kaw was also recognized as chairman of the Tongmenghui, particularly at the beginning of his tenure as the “Director General of the Fujian Provincial Industry Department.”
Bloated Title in Place, Real Work at Heart
“Impressions of Burma” by Arnold Wright published in 1920 introduced twenty prominent overseas Chinese in the early 20th century, including Chan Ma Phee (Zeng Guangbi), Koh Ban Pan, Lim Chin Tsong, Yeo Cheng Him, Yeo Choo Sum, and Yeo Cheow Kaw. Most of them were wealthy businessmen. In the “History of the Burmese Overseas Chinese Involvement in the Chinese Revolution”, apart from making donations, there are few records of them participating in aggressive rhetorics or practical activities. Feng Lidong praised our Grandfather’s heroic behaviour several times, but his description of him can only be classified as a “revolutionary sympathizer” at most. Feng Lidong pointed out that Yeo Cheow Kaw behaved more aligned with the mainstream thinking of the Chinese community in Burma at that time. Feng said that the majority of Burmese Chinese actually avoided getting involved in the party debates in mainland Chinese politics. When the conservative and progressive positions of the Chinese in Burma were entangled, Yeo Cheow Kaw would leap to buffer the opposition.
In May 1912, the central Tongmenghui sent Shen Manyun to Southeast Asia to raise funds for the China Industrial Bank. A total of 700,000 yuan was raised in Rangoon, “including 200,000 yuan from Tongmenghui Burma Branch leader Yeo Cheow Kaw and 500,000 yuan from Zeng Guangbi.” This was the first time a leadership position in the Tongmenghui was publicly attached to him. In December of the same year, he travelled through Singapore to Fujian to assume the appointment of Fujian Director General of Industry. A newspaper reported that the Fujian Kuomintang was preparing to welcome the “Rangoon Tongmenghui Chairman” Yeo Cheow Kaw. It turned out that his leadership role had never been confirmed in any other reports. It was possible that the unproven labels were used simply to honour the new official as Yeo Cheow Kaw’s fame in Xiayang or Rangoon alone was too humble.
As the Republic of China was established, the activities of the Tongmenghui overseas gradually declined, and the regional debate centres of motherland politics shifted to Singapore and Malaya. The Burma Tongmenghui faded from the historical stage, with many members turning to other social activities or returning to China. For example, Xu Zanzhou chose to retire at this time, returning to his family business while reminiscing about the history of the overseas Chinese revolution. Although the Tongmenghui was no longer politically central, Yeo Cheow Kaw’s involvement in Burmese Chinese affairs remained significant, especially in education.
Ours grandfather’s investment in overseas Chinese education occupied much of his social activities [4]. He served as principal of Teong Hwa School three times (1911–1912, 1914–1918, and 1922–1926) and led the Chinese Educational Syndicate through different political regimes. He also maintained close ties with education officials such as Sa Junlu [5] and Huang Yanpei.
In 1913, at the invitation of Sun Daoren, Yeo Cheow Kaw stayed in Fujian as Director General of the Fujian Industry Department. But this official career was short-lived due to political instability [6]. In 1914, he returned to Rangoon, refocused on Chinese education, and resumed involvement in various organisations such as Kean Taik Hall, Sit Teik Tong and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce.
As China entered the tumultuous years of political disputes and transformation in the new Republic, most of the Chinese leaders in Burma returned their attention to the rights and interests of overseas Chinese in their host country. In 1924, Grandfather, Yeo Eng Byan, Chan Zaw Kai, Kang Beng Cheong, and Lee Ah Lye were appointed as members of the Rangoon Chinese Advisory Board by the British colonial government [7]. It was again a short stint in a government because two years later, Grandfather passed away.
References / Further Readings
[1] A Century-long History of Chinese in Burma*, by Feng Lidong (in Chinese)
[2] History of the Burmese Overseas Chinese’s Involvement in the Chinese Revolution, by Xu Zanzhou (in Chinese)
[3] Yeo Cheow Kaw and Tongmenhui, on site
[4] Yeo Cheow Kaw and His Schools, on site
[5] Sa Junlu and Yeo Cheow Kaw, on site
[6] A Misplaced Official / 匆匆官场一过客, in Chinese, on site
[7] Chinese Advisory Board, on site
仰索
2025.03.16